Self-Employment, Micro-Enterprise and Local Development
Mr.Alistair Nolan
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD)
Local Economic and Employment Development (LEED) Programme
2, rue André-Pascal
75775
Paris CEDEX 16
France
Email: Alistair.Nolan@OECD.org
Routes through Which New Firms Can
Impact on Local Economies
The creation of employment, for owner-managers and
employees, and the consequent increases in tax revenue and incomes, with
subsequent income multiplier effects for the surrounding community. Research
suggests that small and micro firms are more likely to employ local staff
(Ella Joseph 2000).
Employment effects over time as workforce skills rise with
periods in self-employment.
The improved local provision of services, such as retail
facilities. Aside from the enhanced availability of such services - the
scarcity of which characterises many distressed communities - increased
local services supply can help retain incomes in the locality.
The effect on motivation. Anecdotal accounts attest to the
positive influence on expectations that local company creation can have. The
creation of productive enterprise and positive role models will be a welcome
development in many distressed areas.
Entrepreneurial skills in the non-profit sector can help
meet explicit social goals.
Fast-growing regions usually have high rates of enterprise
start-up (various studies).
In the UK, work by Bank of England, based on inferences from
VAT registration data, indicate that the more deprived an area the lower the
level of entrepreneurial activity. However, the correlation is broad.
And a not insignificant number of localities have both high
levels of deprivation and high levels of enterprise start-up.
Little research on the local impacts of entrepreneurship.
Selected barriers to enterprise in disadvantaged localities
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Small, possibly remote, local markets.
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Low values of housing and/or potential entrepreneurs live in
rented accommodation. This can constrain enterprise creation given that
housing is an important source of collateral for many start-ups.
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Low incomes and limited savings constraining start-up.
Typically, most enterprise start-up finance comes from own-resources, family
or friends.
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Often limited social and business networks in distressed
communities. Entrepreneurs who maintain and develop contacts with other
entrepreneurs tend to outperform those who don’t.
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Sectoral clustering. An excess of firms in easy-entry
markets requiring limited capital and/or skills.
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High crime rates.
Also Path dependency.
Areas with few entrepreneurs are likely to experience low
rates of future entrepreneurship, other things unchanged, because of the
imitative nature of entrepreneurship.
Before moving to the policy recommendations it is important
to note the heterogeneity of the self-employed. In many countries, both the
least and the most educated persons have the highest probabilities of being
self-employed. This heterogeneity reflects diverse motives for entering
self-employment. Consequently, a fall or rise in national or local levels of
self-employment is neither good nor bad per se. Key issues are the ease of
entry, access to services and the overall quality of micro-enterprise.
Some of the recommendations do little more than map the
limits of policy, which is necessary nevertheless.
Others are more prescriptive as regards specifics of
programme design and operation.
Policy Recommendations on Self-Employment, Micro-Enterprise
and Local Development
Strategy
National and local levels of government
In many countries a plethora of enterprise support
programmes has grown up. Clarifying the strategic goals of these programmes
will facilitate assessment of effectiveness and inform decisions on how
support should be targeted (e.g. if regeneration is the goal then
universality of provision is not important).
To illustrate the issues around strategy choices: overall
employment generation objectives are probably best met by targeting those
most likely to succeed in business. But such a strategy would also entail
greatest dead weight. Addressing social equity via enterprise promotion may
involve lower dead weight but higher displacement and more limited
employment creation. Strategy choices are finally shaped by the scale of
resources relative to the size and nature of employment and area-development
problems. In practice, different goals are often pursued simultaneously,
with little strategic specification.
Those most likely to benefit from self-employment programmes
include the more motivated, persons possessing work experience and
accumulated human and financial assets, those with an employed spouse, etc.
Entrepreneurs who employ others also tend to be from among
the better qualified.
Furthermore, expected returns in the wage labour market fall
in line with the length of unemployment, the long-term unemployed have
greater incentives to enter self-employment. However, their ability to
operate a successful business venture may also decline if skills have eroded
(some research has found a threshold effect at 12 months of unemployment).
Furthermore, self-employment can have undesirable features. These include
low and volatile earnings, long working hours, and limited social security.
A range of other actions - such as in housing, health and
policing - is also required to address social exclusion.
In some localities - such as those that are isolated, have
low-incomes and high probabilities of significant displacement effects - a
preferred strategy may be to concentrate on assisting existing firms. The
local success rate of programmes will also be a function of whether the
starting point is one of long-term unemployment or of short-term employment
change.
Little empirical work exists on the impact of
self-employment and entrepreneurship on local economies. Much more research
exists on regional and macro-economic dimensions of entrepreneurship.
Longitudinal studies are needed in specific localities examining, inter alia,
displacement effects, incremental employment effects over the short and
long-term, who are the beneficiaries of employment generated, local money
flows, start-up rates, closures (corrected for the fact that survival rates
in areas of high-unemployment will generally be lower than elsewhere), and
productivity and growth in new firms.
Scottish Enterprise Business Birth Rate Strategy..
Graduate Entrepreneur.
Also important for changing attitudes in public services.
Micro-enterprises sometimes fall below the notice of
statistical agencies, and can be effectively omitted from some support
measures. Data on VAT registrations often exclude many smaller companies.
Databases of Chambers of Commerce and Enterprise Agencies may be
unrepresentative or incomplete.
In some jurisdictions, persons contemplating starting a
venture may find themselves worse off initially if benefits are terminated
prior to receiving income from the firm.
Generally, if benefits arrangements are slow in responding
to the changed circumstances of potential recipients, this might discourage
individuals from moving into more productive activities, especially into
activities where earnings might be low, uncertain and variable.
Many firms fail for reasons unrelated to the underlying
viability of the business, but instead for reasons such as the inability to
manage cash flow.
Training may help reduce unnecessary business failure.
Research also suggests that many micro business owners do
not enlarge their firms on account of the problems associated with employee
management and recruitment. In part this reflects insufficient time to train
new recruits, but it can also be a symptom of the cost and difficulty of
identifying suitable external training.
Other research shows that, after controlling for the effects
of human capital, wealth is not correlated with business longevity. Human
capital is decisive. Training allowances for the unemployed.
(Benefits from increased enterprise survival times include:
greater savings in unemployment benefits; more time for the development of
work-related skills; increased tax revenues and a larger local economic
multiplier.)
Local level
Research shows that promotion of self-employment start-up
has a relatively small impact on employment growth, reflecting low survival
rates, displacement, dead weight, and low growth. Only a small fraction of
the unemployed will benefit directly from these programmes. One indicative
estimate, including displacement and dead-weight effects, shows 42 new jobs
per 100 businesses created. Some evaluative work has found that the
self-employed most likely to create jobs for others would have entered
self-employment in the absence of assistance. However, reductions in the
duration of unemployment for those already unemployed can be an important
outcome.
As a general rule, the promotion of entrepreneurship is
unlikely to yield major benefits in the short-run. Therefore,
entrepreneurship strategies should be developmental constants, rather than
responses to short-term employment crises.
The lack of premises is an often-cited reason why
micro-enterprises migrate.
Finance
National Level
Persons with equally viable projects may face differential
constraints on start-up owing to house price fluctuations outside their
control. Due to minimum loan-size requirements, the relevance of loan
guarantee schemes to micro-enterprise should be examined. Guarantee schemes
might also be opened to micro-credit intermediaries and community finance
institutions.
An advantage of guarantee schemes is low dead weight amongst
borrowers, as because of their higher cost, there would be no incentive to
access the scheme until other sources of finance are exhausted.
Such schemes exist in a number of countries.
Theoretical and empirical debate on market failure in
lending to SMEs is inconclusive - with evidence both for and against - but
lending gaps at smaller scales are commonly reported.
Collateral issue: for the smaller loans collateral not taken
by banks, as the costs of assessing its worth and collecting it in the case
of default are too high relative to the size of the loan. Instead, personal
credit history is relied on. Where this is the case, and where there are
persons who combine potentially viable projects with poor credit histories,
then public intervention can be valuable.
The point has also been made that if micro-finance can
facilitate the creation of more highly capitalised ventures then it may help
reduce displacement.
There is econometric and anecdotal evidence of
discrimination in credit markets against some ethnic minorities and women.
Entrepreneurship amongst the former is often geographically concentrated,
not infrequently in areas with poor business environments. Bank lending in
under-invested communities might be monitored (as with the Bank of England),
and consideration given to statutory bank disclosure of lending activities
(as in the United States).
For the potential entrepreneur, lack of previous contact
with the banking sector - not having held a savings account for instance -
will make access to credit more difficult.
1/10 households in the UK do not have a bank account.
Assessment of creditworthiness: exhortation: a history of
regular mortgage repayment was taken as evidence of low default risk, but a
history of regular rental payment was not. Paying off a loan was an
indicator of creditworthiness, but regular payment into savings was not.
Local level
Banks can be encouraged to refer failed loan applicants to
advisory schemes. Training schemes can also help improve the quality of loan
applications and ease anxieties among some over the approachability of
banks. Banks can act as partners in organisations providing microfinance,
for example by lending staff as advisors and mentors.
Joint bank/business start-up organisation loan funds have
features which recommend them: each organisation provides a service in which
they specialise, and there can be a clear delineation of the costs for each
agency. Banks can reduce risk and costs, while the start-up agency may more
easily access funding for viable projects. Furthermore, banks already have
loan funds, whereas building one from scratch can be “difficult and slow”.
(Tax incentives to contribute to funds: guarantees on funds.)
Micro-finance schemes generally require public support. It
is also unlikely that schemes will grow in more prosperous areas without
public assistance - which is important if equality of opportunity for the
unemployed is a consideration.
Programme Design
National and local levels of government
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To help avoid programme duplication and competition,
consider incorporating new purposes into existing institutions, rather than
creating new organisations.
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Ensure flexibility in self-employment support programmes.
For example, modalities for paying monetary assistance could vary according
to the financial circumstances of the recipient.
Unemployed executive with half a career of accumulated
savings
An unemployed young person who has perhaps never worked
There is some evidence of greater survival rates when
assistance delivered as a lump-sum.
In some countries evaluation has produced improved programme
cost-effectiveness.
However, in general there is too little evaluation of
entrepreneurship programmes.
In this context, worth recalling that entrepreneurship is
not an end in itself. It is a means to raising incomes, independence and
well being. Programmes should be judged against these broader goals, not
simply in terms of numbers entering self-employment. In fact, most persons
exiting self-employment do so to take up waged employment, often on better
conditions. Because of dead-weight costs, enterprise survival rates alone
cannot be used as a measure of programme success. Standardised evaluation
approaches - using comparator groups - should be employed, and data
collection for evaluative purposes should be built into programme design.
A few words:
- Evaluations confined to single programmes, rather than the
complex of programmes typical in many distressed areas.
Consider how the choice of performance measures can shape
programme implementation/effectiveness.
Funders, intermediaries and providers: funding dependent on
achieving certain performance measures (management control of subcontract
relationships, accountability and evaluation).
Continued funding depends on meeting performance targets.
The process is often formal and perfunctory. Much of this data not used to
shape strategy, much information collection felt to be unnecessary.
A control device (advisors should not become monitoring
agents). Monitoring needs to be conducted in partnership. And to ensure that
service providers themselves find the data useful.
The indicators of performance need to be chosen with care:
If schemes are assessed against the number of persons
entering them, then this may provide an incentive to assist projects
irrespective of their risk. Assessing schemes against start-up numbers may
shift support away from services likely to enhance survival rates. Also
likely to lead to high dead weight costs.
Survival rates and numbers of jobs created are often
measured over the short-term. This can lead to an emphasis on achieving
short-term effects - with assistance directed at those easiest to work with.
Output-related funding requires payment in arrears. This can
direct support towards provision that requires least up-front funding.
Measures should combine start-up data with survival data.
Weightings towards measures showing low displacement for regeneration
projects (certain industries, size of capital invested, income from the
business, etc). To avoid cherry-picking, a weighting towards barriers to
enterprise (persons with poor credit record, towards people whose loan
applications turned down by a bank, people without a bank account, etc.).
Smaller providers may be unable to plan across years, and
therefore make capital investment, such as in training. Need for longer-term
rolling contracts.
- Improved collation at national level of performance data
across programmes, at least for government-funded programmes.
- Greater consistency of performance measures would be
helpful. It could easily be within the government’s power to stimulate
such a shift. Standardising evaluative data requirements can reduce
administrative burden, especially for service providers that receive funds
from more than one source.
Local level
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Design self-employment support programmes such that budgets
and capacities can be expanded in a pre-emptive manner, as economic
downturns raise demand for programme services.
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Comprehensive programme outreach is costly and unnecessary,
so ensure a single visible point of referral to professional advisors.
The availability of on-call advice and mentoring is ideal.
Entrepreneurs often also prefer advice given by other entrepreneurs. Where
possible, ensure that business advisors possess a detailed knowledge of the
local community. Institutional visibility is important given the
often-confusing plethora of support-giving organisations.
Evidence from statistical analysis of the efficacy of
business advisory services, growth most closely associated with private
sources of advice….lawyers, customers, friends in business.
Some evidence that public advisory services seem to have
little effect on growth, but do help rescue ailing firms.
Limited overall evidence.
The effect of pre-start advice is to identify unviable
business plans, to caution prospective entrepreneurs (the self-employed are
“super-optimists”) and to improve the viability of nascent firms (a
well-prepared business plan for instance will facilitate access to finance).
Self-employment is sometimes entered into from force of
circumstance, rather than choice. Such enterprises have low rates of
survival. Public services can help redirect persons who wish to establish a
business for the wrong reasons, recalling that the consequences of business
failure for individuals and their families can be severe.
Evidence suggests that charging the unemployed for business
planning assistance greatly decreases take-up.
The problem of displacement is likely to be greatest among
the types of firms typically present in poor localities - those in
mature-low-growth, easy entry markets with low profit margins.
So to help avoid displacement, assist firms in trading
outside the area. Most start-ups serve local markets, reaching wider markets
as the business matures. There is sectoral variation, however, with services
more closely linked to local customers. There is evidence that firms serving
wider markets have greater longevity.
In Germany, in order to address the displacement problem,
some support has been restricted to businesses likely to create a given
minimum level of income (on the assumption that they will enter less
contested markets), although this may raise dead weight and lower access for
poorer income groups. Some schemes restrict support to ventures with “relatively
high capital requirements.” Other approaches exclude business categories
such as hairdressers and retail or seek to work with firms in non-saturated
markets.
Firms established by groups of entrepreneurs have greater
longevity, other things the same.
Through the use of network brokers various forms of
small-firm collaboration can be facilitated. Networks of particular
relevance to self-employment and micro-enterprises include mutual credit
guarantee associations, peer-group lending/borrowing programmes, schemes to
link micro-entrepreneurs with larger corporations, and joint marketing
initiatives. Networks can also help entrepreneurs counter isolation, racism,
and sexism.
Mutual credit guarantee schemes / Italy.
The results indicate that the self-employed that graduated
from a peer group process earn more than those receiving individual loans.
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